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哈佛招生歧视案件胜诉,亚裔生依然面临歧视?


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10/13/2019

曾于2018年10月14日全美华人团结一致集聚到波士顿而举行的反对哈佛歧视亚裔的大型集会向哈佛提出的诉求失败了?集会主办方为反对哈佛歧视亚裔做出的努力都白费了?

哈佛招生歧视案件胜诉,亚裔生依然面临歧视?

据《纽约时报》报道,当地时间10月1日,美国联邦法院对此前指向哈佛的招生歧视案件作出裁定,法官Allison D. Burroughs认为,哈佛大学并未歧视亚裔申请者,其在招生过程中对种族的考量是为了保证大学的多元化,符合宪法的规定。

这起诉讼案件是由“公平入学”组织(Students for Fair Admissions)

在2014年发起的,其指控哈佛大学在招生中歧视亚裔学生,对亚裔申请者设定了更高的入学标准。此后的数年间,波士顿联邦法院举办了多次听证会,“公平入学”组织和哈佛大学双方提交了数万份文件,彼此往来交锋,在去年10月15日正式开庭审理。

“公平入学”组织的创始人Edward Blum在提交的诉讼中包含多条罪状,其中之一是指控哈佛大学招生中采取了“种族配额制”,有意限定入学新生的种族比例,在这样的情况下,即便亚裔学生在学术表现和课外活动上优于其他种族的学生,也会因为学校为亚裔学生设定的比例上限而落选,也就是说,亚裔学生不仅要和其他族裔的申请者竞争,也要面临亚裔的内部竞争。



Edward Blum,“公平入学”组织的创始人。


申请哈佛大学的亚裔学生在个性表现上偏弱

根据哈佛大学公布的材料,亚裔学生在学术表现和课外活动上总体优于其他族裔的学生,但在“个性表现”方面则低于白人学生。尽管法院没有找到这一差异背后的确切原因,但法官Allison D. Burroughs认为,仅凭亚裔学生在个性表现上的相对低分,不足以构成哈佛招生歧视的罪证,招生官有权依据自身的判断来给出分数。



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个性表现评分的微妙之处在于,它不同于学术表现和课外活动,没有客观的衡量标准,其评价结果是基于招生官对申请者的主观认定。一方面,这给可能存在的、隐性的“种族配额”制留出了操作的空间,另一方面,正因其评价标准是主观的,缺乏可在不同族裔间对比的普遍标准,其施行种族配额的罪名就难以坐实——招生官大可为其打分结果找出诸多理由,旁人也难以找到证据指摘其公正性。

正如哈佛大学法学院的教授Jeannie Suk Gersen指出,这昭示了平权法案本身的矛盾之处:根据平权法案,大学可以适当地在招生中给予少数族裔优待,在主观评分上给他们加分,但是,另一方面,大学又不能给予种族因素过多的权重,也不能完全根据美国不同族裔的人口比例,来为学校所招收的不同族裔的学生数量设定限制,因为这无疑等同于“种族配额”制,是违法的行为。



哈佛大学校园


这也就是说,在个体层面上,招生官的主观偏好是被容许的,他们可能更倾向于录取拥有某些特质的学生,尽管这些特质可能往往和特定的种族相关,但是学校在制度层面上不能设定不同族裔的录取上限。因此,很多时候,学校必须精心设计出一系列话术,来包装其在学校制度层面上对种族因素的考量。

比如说,虽然对特定族裔的优待,会在客观上挤占和损害其他族裔的利益,但学校将这种优待称之为“加分项”(plus factor),以凸显其对弱势族裔的帮扶作用,而有意忽略了对另一些族裔的不平等对待。



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“现行的制度存在缺陷,但缺乏可行的替换方案”

法官Burroughs承认现行的招生制度存在缺陷,有些招生官对亚裔群体可能有着“潜意识”的偏见,而且校方应当对外界阐明种族因素在招生过程中的具体角色,但她认为,哈佛的招生规则并没有违法,因此,缺陷可以修正,制度无需更替。

原告“公平入学”组织则认为,哈佛大学维护校园多元化这一点本身没有错,但应当采取与种族无涉的手段,也就是不再给非洲裔和拉丁裔优待。针对这一项诉求,法院认为,在现行的制度下,如果撤销平权法案,取消对黑人和拉丁族裔的优待政策,将会使哈佛大学未来招收的少数族裔的学生比例大幅降低——约有45%的非洲裔和拉丁裔学生是因少数族裔的身份而得到入学资格,如果少数族裔的学生数量减少,会对校园的多元化造成巨大损害。

如果要在维持族裔多元化的前提下,取消对少数族裔的优待,哈佛大学唯一可以采取的办法是撤销对ALDC群体的优待。ALDC是athletes,legacies,dean’s interest lists,children of faculty的首字母缩写,意即运动员,哈佛校友的子女,院长感兴趣的学生,教职工子女,这些群体在哈佛大学的招生过程中会得到额外的照顾。通常而言,这一得到特殊照顾的学生群体绝大部分是白人,同时,一项研究表明,哈佛大学的白人学生中,约有42%属于这一群体。



哈佛大学橄榄球队


正因为ALDC的主要族裔构成是白人学生,如果取消对这些学生群体的优待,少数族裔必然将会得到更多的入学名额。但是,法院指出,ALDC优待政策对哈佛大学维系其与捐款者,校友,以及教职工的关系至关重要,而且也是哈佛大学与其他常青藤

(也称为常春藤)

学校在体育项目上竞争的重要资本,取消这一优待政策将损害学校自身的利益。

哈佛的招生规则是精英阶层的自我维护手段吗?

尽管波士顿联邦法院判定哈佛胜诉,但这起案件几乎必然将上诉到美国最高法院,而其对美国教育体系的未来影响也难以估量——从2014年Edward Blum发起诉讼起,哈佛大学的招生内幕便不断地抖落在公众的视野之中,尽管其尚未对哈佛大学的招生制度产生实质性的影响,但它无疑点燃了公众的政治参与意识,尤其是今年3月,涉及耶鲁大学、斯坦福大学等名校的录取贿赂案件被波士顿法院公布后,取消ALDC优待政策的呼声开始愈发声势壮大。


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招生歧视问题反映的现象之一,是美国精英学校的入学竞争变得越来越激烈了。哈佛大学每年招收的学生不过一千多人,而每年申请哈佛的学生中,学分绩点满分的学生就将近一万人,正如《华盛顿邮报》的一篇报道指出,如果哈佛大学招收所有绩点满分的学生,那么其招生规模必须增大四倍,才能容得下如此众多的优秀学子。

在这样的意义上,这些精英学校不得不设计一些主观的评判标准,通过分数之外的标准来更全面地衡量每个学生的情况。这种主观的评判标准在诸种不同的阐释之下,会呈现出不同的面貌。支持“公平入学”组织的人认为,它如同上世纪20年代美国大学对犹太人压迫,刻意限制了亚裔的录取数量,而另一些人则持有截然相反的意见,认为“公平入学”组织是一群充满嫉妒心理的民粹分子,打着反歧视的幌子,利用亚裔群体来为一些人谋取不正当的利益。

实质上,在族裔对抗叙事的表征之下,潜藏着的是精英阶层再生产的机制。正如前文所述,从这些精英学校录取规则中受益最大的群体,不仅仅是平权运动所支持的少数族裔,而是美国的权贵阶层和精英学校的校友们,他们构成了精英学校赖以生存的资源与生态圈,同时,他们又是非常明显的白人主导的群体。



《攀藤而上——常春藤名校与美国精英教育》,于时语 著,中信集团出版社2017年1月版。


在这样的意义上,这一既得利益的群体的精英身份与他们的族裔所属互为表里,不断形塑并维护着精英阶层的再生产。正如加州大学伯克利分校的社会学教授Jerome Karabel指出,哈佛大学之所以倾向于录取精英校友的子女,是因为这种家庭环境出身的学生更符合,也更认同哈佛的理念,他们对学校的发展有着良性的影响,这种影响不仅仅体现在物质性的捐赠上,也体现在文化共同体的塑造上。

另一方面,精英阶层本身也是历时性的动态建构。上世纪20年代到50年代,虽然常青藤名校刻意限制了犹太人的入学名额,但犹太人凭借对教育的重视,依然大量挤进了哈佛,耶鲁等名校,而这些犹太人后来在经济上获得成功之后,便以雄厚的财力捐助他们的母校,使得常青藤名校开始在政策上向犹太人倾斜。时至今日,犹太人早已不是受常青藤名校歧视的弱势群体,而成为了精英阶层的重要构成群体。

在某种程度上,今日的亚裔群体正处于当年犹太人所在的位置——申请哈佛大学学校的亚裔学生越来越多,也越来越优秀,但总体上,近年来哈佛大学录取的亚裔学生比例依然保持不变。但是,今日的美国正面临着更为复杂的境况,多元化的价值观早已成为主导,精英学校也变得更为包容和开放,尽管种族问题的幽灵依然没有彻底消散。亚裔群体能否复制犹太人曾经走过的道路,只能留待未来解答。






7/27/2018

Harvard's Inconvenient Truth

By George Shen

A lawsuit against Harvard has revealed in recent court filings troubling evidence of racial discrimination against Asian-Americans in the admissions process.  More damning are the findings from Harvard's own internal investigation conducted by the Office of Institutional Research (OIR).  Harvard denies any wrongdoing.

Does Harvard discriminate against Asian-Americans?  To an institution whose mission is pursuing truth and whose motto is "Veritas," the question is of paramount importance.

The OIR investigation found that Asian-American applicants, who had the highest scores in both academic and extracurricular ratings, were rated consistently lowest among all racial groups in personality traits by Harvard admissions officers who had never met them.  The subjective personality traits include likability, helpfulness, courage, kindness, integrity, and respectability.  Although Asian-American admittance hovered around 19 percent, that number would be 43 percent if based on academic performance.  With personality ratings, the "holistic" approach effectively limits the number of Asian-American admits. 

In her official response, Harvard's outgoing president Drew Faust framed the issue as "defending diversity" and declared the plaintiff would "seek to paint an unfamiliar and inaccurate image of our community and our admissions processes, including by raising allegations of discrimination against Asian-American applicants to Harvard College."  She then went on: "We are bound across differences by a shared commitment to learning, to pursuing truth, and to embracing the rigor and respect of argument and evidence. We never give up on the promise of a world made better by an assumption revisited, an understanding expanded, or a truth questioned – again and again and again[.] ... I am committed to ensuring that veritas will prevail." 

After reiterating pursuing truth, Faust conveniently avoided answering why Asian-American applicants were consistently rated lower by Harvard on personality traits.

The incoming president, Lawrence Bacow, referring to "hundreds of thousands" of documents in court filings, stated, "There is not a single one which suggests that there is a policy to discriminate against anybody or to hold one group to a different standard than anybody else."  But, he, too, gave no explanation for why so many Asian-Americans were deemed undesirable.

The practice of keeping undesirables out is hardly new.  In The Chosen: The Hidden History of Admission and Exclusion at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, sociologist Jerome Karabel detailed the history of the admissions process at Harvard.  A. Lawrence Lowell, Harvard's president then, stated flatly that too many Jews would destroy the school.  Even after his initial idea of a Jewish quota of 15 percent was heavily criticized, it didn't stop Lowell and his counterparts at Yale and Princeton from institutionalizing a new definition of "merit" to include information about an applicant's "character" and how to rate it.  The net effect was that by the end of Lowell's term in 1933, Jewish enrollment of freshmen went down to 15 percent.

The inconvenient truth is that the admissions system used today is to a large extent still the same system used a century ago.  The difference is the justification for having such system has changed from keeping the undesirables out to enforcing diversity and defending affirmative action. 

Ironically, there is also another kind of affirmative action – Legacy – reserved for the already rich, privileged, and powerful.  The Harvard Crimson reported that the incoming class of 2021 is made up of over 29 percent legacy admits.  This apparently counters the notion of meritocracy.  One might ask, for applicants who have enjoyed a lifetime of advantage and who should be expected to outcompete the poor, the underprivileged, and the non-legacies, why in a world they still need a leg up.  Additionally, as the richest college in the world with an endowment over $37 billion, Harvard hardly needs more donors and alumni support to justify giving preference to the children of wealthy and well connected.  In fact, it seems an easy call for Harvard to end legacy preference immediately in exchange for a more meritocratic and diverse student body.

Complex issues aside, such as whether affirmative action is still necessary, how diversity should be best achieved, what is merit and how to define it, Harvard needs to answer the basic question, coherently and in good faith: why its admissions policy has a disproportionately negative effect on Asian-Americans in its subjective scoring.

For now, it appears that Harvard suffers no cognitive issues and is comfortable with race-based affirmative action in its current form both as an ideal and as a practice, which admits black and Latino students who would not have been admitted if they were white while at the same time being comfortable with rejecting Asian-American students who would have been admitted if they were white.

From rectifying historical injustice to giving racial preference to minorities of upscale households or new immigrants whose ancestors were not the victims of slavery, from preaching social equity and justice to courting the wealthy and privileged in legacy preference, from promoting campus diversity and inclusion to racial balancing by limiting Asian-Americans based on invidious racial stereotypes and prejudice, from advocating risk-taking and world-changing to maintaining the status quo and social norms, Harvard seems to want to have it all. 

But does Harvard want to seek truth?  Pursuing truth will inevitably and painstakingly require Harvard to choose what's right over what's convenient.

It's high time for Harvard to revisit its assumptions, expand its understanding of diversity and sensitive racial issues, reject racial bias and stereotype, question social orthodoxy, challenge the status quo, and ultimately seek truth.  If Harvard wants students to change the world, as so clearly manifested in its mission statement and eloquently exhorted by countless graduation speakers and alumni, a good start would be to change Harvard first.  


Source: https://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2018/07/harvards_inconvenient_truth.html










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